With a history dating back to 3,000 BC, Tonga is ruled by King Tupou VI, consists of 171 islands and are today more than 99% Christian. It has a rich culture and history, where women 'eiki to men; that is, women outperform men. Dance was a fundamental element of this culture. “In Tonga, dance was, and in many ways still is, an important functional aspect of culture, inextricably linked to social organization, history and folklore, and is primarily a village affair” ( Kaeppler, 1970, p. 266). In this article, I will explore the rich environment, culture and history of Tonga, as well as the changes that occurred after the arrival of Westerners. I will connect the dance, its role, the corresponding changes and how Tonga has continued to maintain its rich traditions. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”? Get the original essay Encyclopedia.com (2018) shows that Tonga, or the Kingdom of Tonga, is located in the South Pacific and covers an area of ​​approximately 750,000 people. square kilometers; its capital, Nuku'alofa, is on the island of Tongatapu. Its flora is reminiscent of that of the South Pacific with its coconut groves and banana plantations. As Tonga is an island nation, its wildlife consists of several species of bats and reptiles, eighty-three species of migratory birds, including glossy maroon parrots and crimson-crowned fruit doves, and more of 1,200 marine species, including dolphins, whales and more than 25 variations of butterfly fish. This ecology is what the Tongans call their fonua. The Fonua is “…the embodiment of both local territorial belonging (historicized interpretation) and national self-identification (contemporary interpretation), simultaneously linking Tongans to a mythological past and linking them to a globalized present” (Francis, 2006, p. 345). . It represents "a powerful social construct, welcoming assertions of national unity (one people, one place) and a celebration of the diverse histories and distinct territories (many people, many places) that make up the Kingdom of Tonga today » (Francis, 2006, p.360). The fonua is regularly referenced in the dance and poetry of the Tonga people. In Lau Langi, a version of the ancient Tongan dance 'Otuhaka, Tongans "reflect the concept of fonua in the employment of imagery that ultimately associates people with the land, the earth, the place" (Francis, 2006 , p.348). The Tongans were the original descendants of Samoa, about 900 kilometers to the northeast. Aside from the original work of author Elizabeth Wood-Ellem, little written historical evidence existed. Until the first Westerners arrived in the 1600s, chiefs and Kau-matãpule, or servants, kept the stories and traditions alive. “Some individuals are particularly knowledgeable and may be called tangata 'ilo (or fefine 'ilo if female) meaning 'one who knows'” (Latukefu, 1968, p. 135). Fortunately, “…oral traditions, having been carefully and critically subjected to the canons of historical and anthropological criticism, have contributed enormously to making Tongan history more vivid, more interesting, exciting and, I hope, more accurate » (Latukefu, 1968, p.143). Through poetry and dance, Tonga perpetuates this oral history. Tonga has gone through years of civil wars between different leaders. In the 15th century, the Tu'i Tonga, or chief of Tonga, created a model with active and inactive chiefs; that is, the Tu'i Tonga would be the leader,while another would be responsible for day-to-day management. This second chief was called Tu'i Ha'atakalaua. The Tu'i Ha'atakalua, in turn, reproduced the same practice with his younger brothers and sons. This led to a third chief, called Tu'i Kanokupolu. Unfortunately, this disparate infrastructure resulted in a power struggle until only one king remained, the Tu'i Kanokupolu. This king was King George Tãufa'ãhau Tupou I. King George ruled successfully for sixty years. During this period, after befriending a missionary, Shirley Baker, Tu'i Kanokupolu was baptized. This friendship proved fortuitous as it helped the king prevent a European occupation. Thus, Tonga remained independent and prospered without losing its identity and traditions. These civil wars and the resulting democracy in Tonga are central references in his war dances. Furthermore, Tongan society has always had very complex social structures or hierarchies. “Ancient Tonga was known for its complex family lineages and sophisticated polity” (Matsuda, 2012, p. 27). In fact, “all interpersonal relationships in the island kingdom are governed by principles of rank; material culture and language reflect this ranking” (Kaeppler, 1971, p. 174). Tongan society consists of three distinct ranks, primarily the king, or Tu'i Tonga, primarily the people, and the people, or commoners. A hierarchical structure “orders titles within a system of titles” (Biersack, 1991, p. 236). He places the leaders at the top and the commoners at the bottom. It is this structure that is also frequently reinforced in Tongan dance, poetry and folklore. However, the most important social hierarchy is that of eiki' and tu'a. “In Tonga, a sister is 'eiki to her brother, who is tu'a. This does not suggest that she has superior authority over him but that, as his sister, she takes precedence over him in terms of hierarchical values ​​and spiritual power” (James, 1992, p. 84). Within this hierarchy, women are “descendants of Pulotu, while the men on whom they rely for support and protection are Maama, descendants of a worm. The men come from Maama and the women from Pulotu” (Filihia, 2001, p. 381). Because Pulotu was first and foremost and was the source of life and death, he was “primarily.” As the women came from Pulotu, “women are mainly” (Filihia, 2001, p. 381). The personal rank of each person in society is therefore established. In short, “women have the capacity to either build life or destroy it” (Filihia, 2001, p. 386). This eiki' and tu'a relationship is most observable during a funeral. “Women play an important role in mourning rites, taking the lead in lamentation over the body and generally occupying the position of fahu” (Filihia, 2001: 384). Bott (1981) observes: “Relatives of higher rank than the deceased sit in the house, are fed and given koloa. One of them is named fahu of the ceremony, that is to say the one of the highest rank. Relatives lower in rank than the corpse bring food, stay outside and work in the kitchen; they are called liongi. Older siblings of the same sex and their children are neither liongi nor fahu. Likewise, grandparents and grandchildren are neither liongi nor fahu. (p. 18) Tongan dances were, unsurprisingly, an essential part of these funerals as they detailed the family's grief and offerings to the Tongan gods or God. “Drinking and dancing sometimes relieved the boredom of their mourning, one of the dances commonly performed as part of the kawole” (MacAlpine, 1906, p. 261). These multifaceted interrelationships dictatealso Tongan speech and poetry incorporated into their dances. For example, your speech patterns, and therefore your poetry and dance movements, change when you speak to or about the king, or to Lea fakatu'i, to or about mainly people, and so on. But a commoner may never know the language required to speak with the king, or primarily with the people, since "Tongan culture does not normally provide the opportunity for the majority of commoner Tongans to interact with the monarch or chiefs... honorary titles are not part of all.” Tongans' everyday use in a way that is true of, for example, Japanese honorification” (Taumoefolau, 2012, p. 328). There is even a way of speaking in a self-derogatory way to convey respect to the listener. “In Tongan, speaking in a self-derogatory manner (WAT 4) is intended to express respect for the recipient, or to develop relationships and solidarity with a high-ranking recipient” (Taumoefolau, 2012, p. 332) . Another continuing practice of the Tongans is a religion. Religion was an important part of Tongan society before and after the arrival of Westerners. In the 1700s, Tongan society was introduced to Christian and Wesleyan missionaries. These missionaries, at first, did not convert any Tongans. In 1833, the Wesleyans proudly converted the three rulers of the main Tongan islands and established an independent Free Church of Tonga. In the 1850s, paganism disappeared. “Tonga has evolved from a traditional polytheistic religion to a unified Christian nation…where Christianity has been the most powerful Western influence” (Shumway, 1981, p. 467). Subsequently, “Christianity and formal education had profound effects on Tongan life, and dance was no exception. Methodism became almost a state religion and the ancient dances were considered "pagan" and not in conformity with the precepts of Christianity" (Kaeppler, 1970, p. 266). Nevertheless, “since at least the 19th century, dance and music have become powerful symbols of identity for ethnic groups and nations around the world” (Reed, 1998, p. 510). As in most Polynesian societies, Tongan dances are central to various ceremonies and festivities and tell stories and folklore through movement. Waterman wrote: “dance serves as a force for social cohesion and a means of achieving the cultural continuity without which no human community can survive” (quoted in Kaeppler, 1967, p. 1). The Punake choreograph these dances. He/she “excels as a pulotu fa'u (composer of poems or ta'anga), pulotu hiva/pulotu fasi (creator of melodies) and pulotu haka (creator of dance or choreographer)” (“The Art of Punake "). Like other regions of the world, Tonga faces ecological problems, such as pollution, overfishing, sea level rise and other ecological problems. As a socio-ecologist, the Punake integrates flora and fauna into the choreography and tries to inspire everyone to protect the fonua. The Punake “feels a great responsibility towards the final product, the main performance, because he wishes to honor those to whom it is dedicated and also to meet the expectations of a demanding public” (Shumway, 1981, p. 468). The Tongans state: “…poetry, dance, and mythical tales provide useful information about the order and logic…” (Francis, 2006, p. 347) of the universe. Tongan society has created dance movements that are very different from those in the Western world. “Tongan dances allude to poetry, create beauty, or both” (Kaeppler, 2003, p. 156). In Tonga, the dance is called faiva with haka. In other words, “firstly, it requires skills; second, that the most important part of the body in Tongan dance are the hands; and the third, that Tongan dance is performed in conjunction with singing…and…the way in which the movements interpret the poetry is an important aspect of the aesthetic” (Kaeppler, 1971a, p. 176). Kaeppler (1971a, p. 177) emphasizes that to understand Tongan dance, the spectator must take into account four elements: the know-how, the relevance, the skill or feeling of the performance and the inner state of the spectator or of the viewer. The spectator can then experience mãfana, that is, "being able to find something familiar in something new, or in the recognition of a performance so well done that the spectator actually participates in it by proxy” Kaeppler (1971a, p. 177). Tonga has two basic types of dance: “that which has movement as its main element and that which accompanies poetry” (Kaeppler, 1967, p. 160). Unlike Western music, Tongan music is secondary. “As in most Polynesian music, it is not the melody that is important, but rather the feeling expressed by the poetry” (Kaeppler, 1970, p. 275). The gentle movements of the female dancers contrast noticeably with the physical and brutal movements of the male dancers. Tongan dances consist of kinemes, morphokines and patterns. There are approximately 46 dance kinemes, or important body movements, using the head, legs or arms. “Morphokines combine kinemes – whether position or movement – ​​into fluid movements that have a definite beginning and end” (Kaeppler, 1972, p. 187). Morphokines are actually a mixture of kinemes and nima morphokines, which involve the hand and forearm, while patterns are "a common combination of morphokines that forms a short entity in itself" (Kaeppler, 1972 , p. 202). They themselves use the word fakafonoa (lit. "relating to the land") or "traditional" to refer to both older categories of song and dance and more recent ones that contain demonstrable European elements" (McLean, 1999). , p.133). There are three ancient dance forms, namely me'etu'upaki, ula and otuhaka. “In ancient Tongan literature we have descriptions of four types of dances: 1) me'etu'upaki, a standing dance for men in which paddles (paki) are used; 2) me'elaufola, a group dance performed either by men or women; 3) the 'otuhaka, a seated group dance; and 4) ula, a standing dance performed by young women” (Kaeppler, 1970, p.267). As in other Polynesian societies, Tonga has a tradition of oral storytelling venerating or honoring the various Tongan gods and demigods through poetry and dance. These stories disturbed the arriving Westerners. After all, “the regulation of the purity and authenticity of folk dance in a patriarchal and protective manner is a common feature of state and elite interventions, often indexing notions of a defensive culture under siege” ( Reed, 1998, p. 512). Surprisingly, me'etu'upaki has remained intact and has "remained essentially the same for over 300 years" (Kaeppler, 1991, p. 356) in terms of movement, poetry, and music. Me'etu'upaki is a military or war dance. Performed by men arranged in several rows and using a paki, which resembles a small paddle, "me'etu'upaki is a group dance that has a completely predefined choreography from start to finish, down to the smallest details" (Kaeppler, 1991, p. 348). A group of singers and drummers, called lolongo, accompanies the dancers. The movements are graceful and there is no.