There is a perception and consensus in the mental health field that aging is linked to an increase in individual risk of depression. Arguments support that depression as an age is linked to the aging process which is often associated with diminished physical and cognitive health. Aging also comes with transitions between living with a married partner, being widowed, living alone, or living in a nursing home. Additionally, retirements and deductions related to economic stability are also major contributing factors to depression, even as one ages. It therefore makes sense that aging leads to an increase in depression, as all the factors mentioned are positively associated with depression. Practical verification of the impact of maturity on mental well-being is varied; therefore, the link between age and factors promoting hopelessness depends on sociodemographic characteristics and the physical and cognitive health of older adults. Socio-demographic characteristics can be controlled, making age a non-issue in explaining the mental health of older people. Some studies claim that depression increases with age, while a few studies claim the opposite. Yet research shows that the relationship between age and depression is not linear and follows either a U-shape or an inverted U-shape. Other studies also reveal that there is no relationship between age and depression for many reasons, including: viewing age in different ways and measuring depression with various instruments. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”? Get an original essay Among the many important risk factors for depression in older adults, physical health problems are found to be a major determinant of depression in human beings. Research indicates that physical health is an important aspect of mental health, especially in old age. It is in old age that most people experience limitations in activities of daily living. However, it is at older ages that the association between the number of depressive symptoms and the socio-economic determinants of marital status and education is strongly explained as part of the decline in mental health. Physical health has a stronger impact on depression as we age than cognitive function. Poor physical health would depress anyone despite their age, even if they are elderly; the physical health of individuals deteriorates considerably; thus becoming a matter of great concern to people (Blaze 250). Much research done to uncover the relationship between aging and depression uses cross-sectional data rather than longitudinal data. Cross-sectional data is the type of data that allows people of different ages to be compared, while longitudinal data is the information that captures the age itself of the same individual being studied over time. The difference in methods used by researchers is potentially contradictory, as some results suggest the possibility of cohort differences between age and despair status. Research by health officials has also not been able to clarify the differences between the aging process and the potential effect of aging. age on depression. It is important to understand the distinction between the abrupt effects of the aging process and the effect of agehimself about depression. The distinction involves the association between age and declining health, living the life of a widow or widower, retirement, and other life changes that occur as one ages. The general effect of age itself on depression is useful for health practitioners in understanding how to approach the problem of depression in older adults. Evidence from research done to clarify the relationship between aging and depression suggests that an increase in depression associated with aging is actually attributable to a decrease in depression. On the contrary, some research shows that maturity protects people from depression when checks on health changes are introduced. Health changes may involve a system responsible for the physical health of adults in developing countries where the health care sector is not fully stable. In most developed countries, older people are protected by a special insurance plan that covers their health; thereby protecting citizens from depression resulting from poor physical health in old age. Because claims from research by various organizations are derived from cross-sectional data, they are not conclusive. Therefore, it is necessary to examine longitudinal data to understand the relationship between age and depression. Research on gender and health has consistently found that women are more likely to be depressed than men. There are biological, historical, and cultural explanations for variation in depression among older men and women. Additionally, the gender gap in depression has social components. These elements include age, race and education levels, poverty, marital status and employment status. Gender differences in social risk and protective factors explain the gender gap in depression in detail. Many theoretical and empirical inconsistencies regarding the relationship between gender, age, and depression exist, such as the theories behind the concept of aging; the subject is therefore the subject of numerous debates (Medalia 5). One hypothesis made by researchers is that the gender gap in depression is due to both community and natural implications of individuals' productive years. For example, research shows that the gender gap in depression emerges in early adulthood and disappears after menopause. On the contrary, another hypothesis is that the gender and age gap in depression tends to increase as people get older. This theory is supported by information that older women are at greater risk of becoming widowed or falling into poverty than older men. The two contrasting hypotheses are challenged by a theory that asserts that gender gap depression should remain constant throughout life because there is sufficient evidence that women, throughout their lives, run systematically a greater risk of depression (Cole and Dendukuri 1147). The inconsistency of the empirical research carried out leaves many questions regarding the complex contradictory relationships. It becomes difficult to draw a general conclusion about whether people become more or less depressed as they age. It is also difficult to explain the theory behind how depression changes with age, because there are conflicting ideas about changes in marital status, employment, and health. Apparently, researchers have more work to do tofind out what happens to the gender gap in depression as people come of age. Additionally, it is clear that researchers need to uncover cohort differences in depression by age. More and more statistics support the idea that social and health changes are the main causes of the increase in depression with age. It is worth noting that age has a clear impact on depression levels. It is again noted that the gender gap in depression tends to narrow as people age. For example, statistics show that when men reach the age of 75, their level of depression increases more than that of women. The research faces criticism because there is no support for the claim that the age trend in depression is due to differences between cohorts. Age itself is an explanation underlying the conflicting research on aging, gender, and depression, as there is no clear measure of age and depression between middle and older years (Singh and Misra). It is clear that the empirical research on aging and depression is both inconclusive and contradictory. Some studies reveal that as one approaches age 75, one is more likely to be depressed, while other studies state the opposite; depression decreases with age. The inconsistencies are due to several factors such as the nature of the studies carried out by the researchers. For example, studies conducted to uncover the relationship between depression and aging focus on small communities or even clinical samples. Apparently, the studies do not necessarily reflect the entire population. Additionally, studies focus on varied age ranges, while others examine a wide range of ages from 19 to 91; we therefore have a small sample of elderly respondents. Other studies also focus on the older adult population, such as 75 to 90 years old. It is therefore possible that the conclusions drawn from the results differ depending on the comparison made between young people, middle-aged adults and older adults (Buber and Engelhardt 1). Empirical inconsistencies also result from the fact that age is operationalized differently and, in most cases, poorly, as in most studies. Many studies treat age as a categorical or dual variable, resulting in it being assessed differently. Again, disparities in measuring the relationship between age and depression are due to the methods used to measure depression itself. Often, depression is measured in one of two ways: as a depression severity summary score or clinically. Clinically, depression is measured taking into account the criteria specified by the diagnosis of mental disorders. Studies that use the older severity instrument are completely different from studies using the diagnostic measure of clinical depression. It is clear from the studies that it is mentioned who needs professional help and the type of help they need. Such studies tend to diagnose people with a specific disorder, claiming that depression is not the cause. Exclusive criteria used to measure depression are questionable because they underestimate the prevalence of depression. It is not clear whether aging occurs through its association with other life changes or simply through depression. There is ample evidence that increased depression is associated with age and poorer health. Other studies further reveal that there is aProtective net effect of maturity on depression, which is evident when an individual is in control of health changes. For example, we find that adjustment to all functional and social statuses leads to a reduction in depression throughout life. The reduction in depression suggests the underlying benefit of maturity. Because the studies use cross-sectional data, they may not be able to separate the effects of aging and health decline on depression. Longitudinal data may be preferred because it allows examination of changes in health and aging on the consequences of depression (Fiske, Gatz, and Pedersen 320). Some findings repeatedly reveal the existence of several other factors linked to depression in older adults. Changes in marital status, employment status, and physical health are factors that tend to be a major cause of depression, in addition to age itself. The factors are very similar between models where variables are entered interchangeably. Marital status is said to be a major cause of depression in men more than women. Most statistical data also indicates that divorce increases depression levels in most individuals, while men's depression scores are higher than those of women. The same statistics reveal that widowhood leads to increased depression in men compared to women. It is claimed that depression levels increase particularly when couples divorce or become widowed in old age. According to researchers, getting married is very protective for both men and women, while being widowed is slightly more depressing than getting divorced. It is also clear from studies that professional status is a determinant of depression, depending on the age of the individual. Studies reveal that in employment, there is no difference in depression between men and women. Additionally, there is no difference between being employed full-time or part-time, or being retired. The protective effect of work is evident, as being retired increases despair among both men and women. While being retired increases depression equally for both sexes, unemployment is a factor that increases depression at different levels. It is therefore clear that being fully retired, even more so at an advanced age, and the effect of unemployment increase levels of depression in both men and women. Notably, most studies hypothesize that depression should increase as people age, because aging is associated with reduced physical and cognitive health. Aging is also associated with widowhood and unemployment; factors that all lead to depression in individuals. These factors are classified as recent stressors in the life of any aging human being (Nemeroff 336). Studies also consistently reveal that decreased cognitive function may be associated with age and depression. Literally speaking, being moved to a nursing home or assisted living facility may also be linked to both age and depression. The same studies reveal that age and depression are associated with proximity to death. Older people are therefore more depressed because of their worry about experiencing death. It is normal for human beings to experience certain feelings from time to time during their lives. Others experience the same feelings intensely for long periods of time and sometimes withoutapparent reason. Depression can be evident in most people because of its impact on physical and mental health. Research indicates that on average, one in six people will experience depression at some point in their lives. The precise rate of depression is not yet known among older people, although its effects are clearly visible at a glance. Depression is therefore recognizable in the elderly due to its undesirable symptoms in the elderly. Symptoms such as sadness, sleep, and appetite problems make it easier to identify that depression increases with age. Elderly people are generally uncontrollable in the face of such signs; thus, in many cases, it has been proven that they are occasionally depressed. However, symptoms such as mood changes may be considered a normal part of aging, while symptoms of depression may also be confused with other symptoms of certain health conditions. Older people with illnesses such as diabetes are also at greater risk because symptoms can be easily identified (Peyrot and Rubin 585). Some symptoms of depression in younger people may be concerning, such as sleep insomnia as well as social disturbances. in older people, it can be assumed that withdrawal is part of old age. Research indicates that older people are at risk of developing mental health problems due to many risk factors such as serious illness and loneliness. Nevertheless, there is a lack of evidence supporting the perception that aging is a risk factor for depression in later stages of life. In most cases, older people have poor relationships with friends and family due to depression. The severe depression they suffer from ruins their quality of life and sometimes puts their lives in danger. Depression in older adults is also recognizable by memory problems associated with changes in individuals' thinking levels. Older people find it difficult to talk about depression; its consequences are therefore clearly visible, and they can be associated with the contradictory concept. Personality traits are linked to the health risks that each individual is exposed to, especially later in life (Kempen et al. 255). Research indicates that older adults are known to be depressed simply by observing their changes in behavior and character. Older people are extremely affected by depression, as they suddenly feel changed. They tend to lose interest in things they previously enjoyed; they may lack the energy to be cheerful and have difficulty sleeping; thus completely disorienting their quality of life. Symptoms of hopelessness in older adults can lead to chronic illnesses such as diabetes, as found in a study on diabetes and depression (Knol et al. 843). Even though aging is to be anticipated, it is possible to prevent or treat depression in older people. people in society. It is a myth that people think that at a certain age you are incapable of learning new things and even trying to change your lifestyle again. Research reveals that the human brain is constantly adapting to new ideas such as those aimed at overcoming depression. This would involve older adults finding new ideas and things to enjoy, learning ways to adapt to change, and staying physically and socially active. It would be important to carry out adult education and.