In order to achieve a clear understanding of the current economic and political state of Mozambique, a thorough examination of its historical past is certainly necessary. Mozambique gained hasty independence from the colonial hand of Portugal in 1975. This was the result of a combination of factors, arguably the most heavily influenced by the long war of liberation against Portuguese rule which began in 1962 and ended 13 years later. with the fall of fascism in Portugal. The collapse of the Portuguese regime in 1974 paved the way for Mozambique's independence under the Lusaka Peace Agreement. Hastily signed, the agreement left political control of the African state to the Mozambique Liberation Front, aka Frelimo, with little discussion of political forms other than one-party rule. During this period, which could be described as revolutionary, 220,000 Europeans, mostly of Portuguese origin, fled en masse, destroying and abandoning their property in their wake. When the Europeans fled, they extracted their capital and “left Mozambique virtually devoid of civil servants, traders, professionals, and the most skilled or semi-skilled workers” (Howard, 2008, 181). At the time, Frelimo, aka Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, the political party left in political control, had no experience in running a state. They had few human or material resources to rebuild their country, leading to a legacy of colonial rule that left long-term consequences, quickly provoking a devastating civil war, costing the lives of nearly one million people. Struggling to stay afloat after the hasty departure of the Portuguese, Ferlimo had the difficult task of rapidly developing Mozambique's economy. Leaning towards the adoption of socialist ideologies, the medium of paper returned as well as it had been. Building on this principle of similar extractive legacies left behind, if one were to continue this comparative article, it could be argued that it would be beneficial to add an analytical section on Namibia. The main reason for this is simply that while we have seen little restructuring of institutional apparatuses after colonialism in Mozambique or Angola, this is not the case in Namibia, which has seen large-scale territorial and institutional reorganization. While the process of liberalization and democratization is currently underway in Angola and Mozambique, I have yet to uncover evidence to suggest that significant or committed institutional restructuring is planned in either country. In this regard, the continuity of inherited colonial extractive institutional structures seems likely to continue indefinitely..